The recent spate of piracy off
Somalia's coast is yet another symptom of the
country's collapse of stability and some of its peoples'
intense desperation. Reports that the pirates or
hijackers of the Ukrainian vessel had begun shooting
each other formed a perfect microcosm of Somalia's
brutal inner turmoil.
But in the northern half of the country, known as
Somaliland, there is no such mayhem. Given its close
proximity to the ravaged "failed state" of Somalia, it
is astonishing that
Somaliland should be stable, safe, democratic and
largely crime-free.
To most people, Somalia is synonymous with bloody
anarchy – simply one of the most dangerous places in the
world. Only the few people with an active interest in
the Horn of Africa seem aware of Somaliland's peaceful
existence. The leading authority on the region since the
1950s is Professor Ioan Lewis – his book,
Understanding Somalia and Somaliland, published in
July, leads you to the conclusion. In comprehending the
unending enigma of the Horn, one course of action is
clear – the peaceful north must be allowed to declare
independence from the endless chaos of the south.
That view is privately shared by many governments in
Africa and in the wider world, but Somaliland's declared
independence of 1991 is still yet to formally recognised
by any nation and it remains an "invisible" country.
Diplomatic recognition is the perpetual obsession of the
Somaliland government; without it, the country remains
starved of foreign investment and aid. In all
probability, it would take just one country, such the
US, to move on the issue and the rest, with a handful of
exceptions, would be bound to follow. However, none of
the main players wants to be first, so they are engaged
in a multiple "Mexican stand-off".
The few countries who openly oppose recognition (Egypt
and Italy) argue "former colonial boundaries should not
be redrawn". But Somalilanders agree. The country was a
former
British protectorate which became independent in
1960 and simultaneously joined in union with the former
Italian colony of Somalia. By the mid-1980s the union
was rapidly disintegrating; the mass bombing in 1988 of
Somaliland's capital, Hargeisa, where 50,000 civilians
were killed extinguished any thoughts of reconciliation.
The collective policy of finding a peaceful solution in
the southern half of Somalia has not progressed even
after 15 peace conferences in as many years. One Somali
commentator called this apparently pointless exercise,
"the policy of following a blind camel". A
Senlis council
report published in April says, "the international
community needs to be reawakened from its torpor on
Somaliland".
But Ted Dagne from Washington's congressional research
service argues: "Somalia must develop a federal
structure that gives regional autonomy." For the
Somalilanders in the north this political theorem is
plainly non-sensical. They see the failed union like two
brothers who went into business together – while one
brother was sober and hard-working, the other went off
the rails, destroying the company's stock along with its
reputation. Yet it is to the "reckless brother" the
international community relentlessly turns to for a
solution.
The Somaliland president Dahir Riyale Kahin visited the
US in April in the hope of broadening support towards
the goal of recognition. Somaliland has certainly passed
any democratic test set by Washington in establishing a
multi-party system, holding free and fair elections and
upholding freedom of speech.
There is now a division of opinion at the top of the US
government on this issue. Pentagon chief Robert Gates
sees Somaliland as "an entity that works". But Dr
Jendayi Frazer, second in command at the state
department said: "The US will not take the first step to
recognising Somaliland before the African Union."
A change of president in January may alter that
position, or before that Bush may be persuaded that
Somaliland recognition could be part of his "African
legacy". The military see the strategic importance of
having a base in the Gulf of Aden as a bulwark against
al-Qaida and the deep-water port of
Berbera
could be ideal.
Ultimately, these are the factors which are likely to
determine Somaliland's chances of gaining equal nation
status under the UN and not its efforts, against the
odds, to create a democratic and free society.
Source:
The Guardian
