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Is Darfur Killing Somalia? By Andrew D. Bishop (Middle East Times).

(Somalia, Sept 08,  2008 Ceegaag Online)

Every now and then a headline will appear in our favorite newspaper about refugees fleeing Somalia because the country's Islamists have mounted yet another attack in their campaign to take over Mogadishu and bring down its shaky government.

At first, it all sounds familiar -- just another round of violence in a part of the world where fighting has been a way of life for decades, if not longer. But then we think: "Maybe something really bad is going on over there; maybe we should worry about it." Luckily, a third thought quickly comes to mind: "No, if the situation were really troublesome, we would have heard more about it; nothing, then, to be anxious about." And our conscience is put to rest for the day.

The problem is that while our conscience might be tranquil, Somalia's people are not. In a country engaged in civil war since the early 1990s, things have only gotten progressively worse. The United States left Somalia in 1993 after having experienced 18 traumatizing losses during an urban skirmish immortalized in Mark Bowden's best-selling book, "Black Hawk Down," later made into a Hollywood film by director Ridley Scott

The United Nations followed with its own withdrawal just two years later. Since then, Somalia has been struggling for unity; most recently both with, and against, the deployment of Ethiopian troops in 2006 to keep the country's religious extremists out of power.

Over the years, this continuous course of violence has brought the Eastern African country ever closer to complete chaos. Jeffrey Gettleman -- one of the rare journalists to have covered this crisis during the past years -- reported in late 2007 that Somalia's "situation has included floods, droughts, locusts, suicide bombers, roadside bombs and near-daily assassinations" in addition to punctual famines and widespread malnutrition. Yet, he wrote, "Unlike Darfur, where the suffering is being eased by a billion-dollar aid operation and more than 10,000 aid workers, Somalia is still considered a no-go zone."

So why isn't more being done to alleviate the suffering of nearly 10 million Somalis?

Unfortunately, explanations for this tragic shortfall are plentiful. And just as with most tragedies, the chances for a last-minute change of fate are slim.

First and foremost, Somalia's own victimized population aside, very few people have any interest in publicizing the country's misery. Most prominently, the current White House has everything to lose and nothing to gain from such a story going public. Indeed, the George W. Bush administration's record in Africa has been perceived by many observers as an overall success that stands in sharp contrast to its Middle Eastern fiascoes -- and the White House intends to protect such a rare and favorable opinion.

Sure, it took some time to get the Chinese on board to curb the violence in Darfur, but Bush can point to the fact that he eventually managed to get the job done. Likewise, while Africa has undoubtedly continued to slip out of the West's hands since the early 2000s, the outgoing administration can boast the creation of the first U.S. military command solely dedicated to monitoring the African continent -- AFRICOM.

So if anything is certain, it is that no-one inside the current West Wing cares to let Somalia spoil what feels like a rare but much appreciated breeze of success.

From his side of the world, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia certainly feels the same way. To him, Somalia's domestic instability -- and its perfect fit into the mold of Bush's war on terror -- has constituted an ideal opportunity to get back at a former enemy (the two countries have fought repeatedly since the 1960s) by indirectly taking control of its interim government in the name of religious and civil peace.

Neither the current White House nor the Ethiopian executive, however, could possibly have the power -- or, for that matter, the true will -- to muzzle the world's organs of free press. There must, then, be another explanation for our blindness in the face of Somalia's distress.

This explanation is simple: we believe only what we see.

David Campbell -- a prominent geographer and analyst of threat-perceptions -- has told this story before and better than anyone. Writing about why it took the world so long to react to the violence in Darfur, Campbell reports that "with limited resources to assign to Africa, and a not uncommon editorial sense that readers/viewers could handle only one major international story at the time […] 'a curious Catch-22' was operative: 'When it comes to mass killings of civilians … If editors do not see it in the newspapers, they do not believe its (sic) news. And if politicians and officials don't see it or read it except in reports thudding on to their desks from human rights and humanitarian NGOs, then that doesn't quite count, either.'"

It took years and hundreds of thousands of deaths before we realized how extreme Darfur's misery really was. Let us now prove to ourselves that we can monitor both Sudan and Somalia at the same time; or else we will have no choice but to admit that because of our dreadful failure to deal with two crises taking place next door to each other, Darfur will be killing Somalia for the years to come.

Andrew D. Bishop is a freelance journalist and a regular contributor to the Middle East Times. He blogs at WhatYouMustRead

  

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